Calasanti and Slevin
Gender and Religion
To veil or Not to Veil: A Case Study of Identity
Negotiation among Muslim Women in Austin, Texas
Jen’nan Ghazal and John P.Bartowski
- Some scholars contend that Muslim women occupy a subordinate status
within many Middle Eastern countries.
- On the other hand, a growing number of scholars now argue that claims
about the oppression and subjugation of veiled Muslim women may, in
many regards, be overstated.
- Muslim women’s motivations for veiling can vary dramatically
- Some veil to express their strongly held convictions about gender
difference; others are motivated to do so as a means of critiquing Western
colonialism in the Middle East.
- Studies the conflicting meanings of veil among both Muslim religious
elites and rank-and-file Islamic women currently living in the US
- Supplements the comparative study of the gender attitudes of
veiled and unveiled women
- The importance – the increasing number of Muslims in the US
- Muslims in the US have become the subjects of pejorative stereotypes
- The given research critically evaluates negative stereotypes about
Muslim women
How can scholars effectively explore the interconnections between
broad-based cultural constructions of gender on one hand and the more
circumscribed (inter)subjective negotiation of gender relations on the
other?
- Theories of discourse suggest that cultural forms (e.g., gender, religion,
and ethnicity) are best understood as constructed, contested, and interconnected social phenomena. The meanings attributed to the Muslim veil are
not endemic to the veil itself; rather, they are produced through cultural
discourse and vast networks of social relationships.
- Cultural symbols can be interpreted in a variety of different ways
and often become a site of struggle and contestation.
- Discourses are not discrete ideologies; they are culturally specific
modes of understanding the world that intersect with competing viewpoints.
Muslim women living in the US are exposed not only to the internecine
gender debates waged within Islamic circles, but also construct their
gender identities in light of non-Muslim discourses of gender and ethnicity
prevalent in late-twentieth-century America.
- Identity negotiation is a process and everyday practice that is fraught
with ambiguity, contradiction, and struggle
Competing Discourses of the Veil in Contemporary Islam
- Many Muslim clergy and Islamic elites currently prescribe veiling
as a custom in which “good” Muslim women should engage
- Women are deemed responsible for the management of men’s sexuality
- The veil, according to some pro-veiling people, serves as: (1) a demonstration
of the Muslim woman’s unwavering obedience to the tenets of Islam; (2) a clear indication
of the essential differences distinguishing men from women; (3) a reminder
to women that their proper place is in the home rather than pursuing
public-sphere activities; (4) a sign of the devout Muslim woman’s disdain for the profane, immodest, and consumerist cultural customs
of the West.
- The most prominent justification for veiling is that it is prescribed
in Qur’an
An oppositional discourse against veiling has emerged within Islamic
circles in recent years.
- Most prominent among these opponents of veiling are Islamic feminists
- They argue that veil represents a tradition of ‘mediocrity and servility’ rather than a sacred standard against which to judge Muslim women’s devotion to Allah
- Highlight the historical fact that veiling is a cultural practice
that originated from outside of Islamic circles, practiced in the ancient
Near East and Arabia ling before the rise Islamic circles
The Veil and Gender Identity Negotiation among Muslim Women in Austin
The authors attempt to measure the impact the impact of these debates
on the gender identities of a sample of 24 Muslim women – 12
of whom veil, 12 of whom do not.
- All women define themselves as devout Muslims. The respondents identify
with a range of different nationalities and Muslim sects.
- 19 women have lived 10 or more years in the US, 5 women immigrated
in past 5 years.
- Ages range from 21 to 55 years old, and occupy range of social roles
- Sample is composed of middle-class women with some postsecondary education
- The questionnaire covered a range of topics – women’s practical experiences with veiling, the meaning of the veil to them,
their reasons for wearing or not wearing the veil and the impact of
this decision on their social relationships, their perceptions about
the significance of the veil in their country of origin, and the importance
of Islamic beliefs and devotional activities to these women.
Veiled contradictions: Perceptions of Hijab and Gender Practices among
Veiled Muslim Women
- Many veiled women contend veiling is commanded in the Qur’an
- Some women recount that they began to veil because they had friends
who did so or because they felt more closely connected to significant
others through this cultural practice.
- Several respondents also underscore the significance of Islamic women’s friendship networks that form around the veil, which are particularly
indispensable because they live in a non-Muslim country.
- Many of women who wear Hijab also invoke the discourse of masculine-feminine
difference to defend the merits of veiling. The idea of masculine hyper-sexuality
and feminine vulnerability to the male sex drive is crucial to this
essentialist rationale for veiling.
- Some of them experienced being considered of being ‘weird’ by some Americans
- Sometimes relatives and family members are against veiling, thinking
that it is against modernity
- Veiled women said that veiling is not necessary to be considered as
a good Muslim, therefore, do not critique unveiled women
Islamic Feminism Modified: Perceptions of Hijab and Gender Practices
among the Unveiled
- Some unveiled women argue that the veil reinforces gender distinctions
that work to Muslim women’s collective disadvantage
- Both unveiled and veiled women agree that Hijab is closely related
to men’s sexuality.
- Unveiled women link the veil to men’s apparent inability to contain their sexual desires
- Some think that it is used by men as a weapon to differentiate them
from Westerners
Standing on Common Ground: Tolerance for the Other among Unveiled
Women
- Just as the veiled women are reluctant to judge harshly their unveiled
counterparts, these unveiled women who eschew Hijab at a personal level
nevertheless express understanding and empathy toward their Middle Eastern
sisters who veil.
- They imply that it would be wrong to criticize veiled women for wearing
Hijab when it is men – specifically, male Muslim elites – who are to blame for the existence and pervasiveness of the veil in
Islamic culture.
- Since many of the unveiled respondents construe Hijab to be a product
of patriarchal oppression and assorted masculine hang-ups, veiled women
cannot legitimately be impugned for wearing Hijab
- Despite the unveiled women’s critical views of the veil, Hijab serves an important cultural marker
for Islamic women other than themselves.
- Some of the unveiled women show tolerance because they used to wear
Hijab themselves.
The study has examined how a sample of Muslim women living in Austin,
Texas, negotiates their gender identities in light of ongoing Islamic
disputes about the property of veiling.
DeVaus and McAllister
Sprecher and Toro-morn (2002), “A Study of Men and
Women from Different Sides of the Earth to Determine if Men are from
Mars and Women are from Venus in their Beliefs about Love and Romantic
Relationships”
There is a stereotype that “men are from Mars and women are from
Venus” therefore they have different perspectives on behavior,
feeling and, of course, on love and marriage. It is known that the topic
of love and marriage was investigated and examined from variety of angles.
However, the authors of an article “A study of men and women from
different sides of Earth to determine if men are from Mars and women
are from Venus in their belief about love and romantic relationships”
Sprecher and Toro-Morn claim that in investigations of these topics
there were some details which were not considered by previous researchers.
Thus they propose another view on relationships which may depend not
only on gender differences, but also on ethnic/racial and social class
membership.
As the base for research the issues such as the love as the basis
for marriage, romantic attitudes, belief in destiny or fate and lifestyles
were taken. The main aim of the research was to “examine gender differences
on several relationship beliefs in two different cultures (North America
and China) and also examine how gender differences depend on ethnic/racial
and social class membership” (562). The sample of the research
was 693 students from the USA and 735 students from China, with the
average age of 21-22 years. The students were given questionnaires which
were anonymous. Interestingly, as the researchers claim the uniqueness
of this investigation was including more than three options for question,
which would make answers more specific and help to interpret results
more carefully.
- Aim:
- to examine gender differences on several relationship beliefs in two
different cultures (North America & China)
- To examine how gender differences (similarities) depend on ethnic/racial
and social class membership.
- Participants:
- 693 university students from North America
- 735 university students from China
- Average age 21-22 years
- Method: questionnaire
- The uniqueness: providing of more than 3 options ( previously only
three options were provided in questionnaires now the options are more
detailed like strongly No and Yes, moderately No and Yes etc)
The research revealed that:
- The gender distinctions in beliefs about relationship were mostly
influenced by cultural experience. For example, both men and women from
the USA and China believe that love is necessary for entering marriage.
However, people from the USA and China differently measure its importance.
For example, in comparison with Chinese American believe that they need
passionate love for entering marriage more. (in more details below)
- Importance of love for entering marriage.
No gender differences in NA and China
(women in NA agreed in greater degree that they
need to be in love than men)
- Importance of passionate love for entering
marriage
No gender differences in NA and China but slight cultural differences
(NA believe that it is as important as being in
love, Chinese believe that passionate love is less important)
- Importance of love to maintain marriage
No gender differences in NA and China
(For Chinese love is more important for entering
marriage rather than maintaining)
- Idealization of partner (in NA men are more likely to idealize partner,
Chinese are more likely to idealize partner than American)
- Love overcome any obstacles (Chinese men are more likely to believe than women)
- Belief in Destiny/Fate (in NA no gender differences, in China women believe more that men)
- In general, on the total score of Romantic Beliefs in NA men and women
did not differ, in China men had higher score than women.
- Eros (romantic, passionate love)
NA women scored more than men
- Ludus (game-playing love)
NA men scored more than women
NA men scored more than women and Chinese men are more agapic than
women
Chinese men are more strogic than women
- Pragma (logical, shopping-list love)
Chinese scored higher than American
- Manic (possessive, dependent love)
Chinese scored higher than American
- Within American sample, the social class of participants and their
race/ethnicity were taken into account. It revealed that there
is no significant Gender and Race interaction, the same as there is
no significant interaction between Gender and Social class.
To sum up, it can be seen that cultural differences has more influence
than differences based on gender. There is no gender & race
and gender & social class interaction, which indicate that gender
effect was the same regardless of subcultural memberships.
Jaris Tichenor (2005), “Thinking about Gender and
Power in Marriage”
Veronica Tichenor the author of the article “Thinking about gender
and power in marriage” states that in marriage there is an unwritten
contract, which identifies the rights and obligations of men and women.
By this contract men are regarded as breadwinners while women are regarded
as homemakers, despite the fact that time should change this basic assumption.
Moreover, this contact in some way identifies the division of power
within spouse and beyond it. Therefore, it can be seen that these distinctions
of activities are reinforced by “gender boundaries” and expectations
that people should full fill.
It is known that in marriage as well as in other institutions gender
influences the power dynamics. The decision-making, the division of
house work and power within the spouse are the aspects influenced by
gender distinctions. For example, the power within the couple distributed
by the logic the more you give, the more you receive. The men in spouse
have more power because they contribute more socially significant resources
(income, status). However, following such logic the women should also
have more power if, for example, they earn more than their husbands.
But in case of women it does not work. The same logic can be applied
to domestic labor division. Ironically, woman no matter works or not,
anyway will do the same amount of domestic labor. While man is not obliged
to perform it, even if he does not work. . Moreover, marital contract
does not simply divide responsibility between men and women but also
reinforces their power within the marriage. Power defined in terms of
responsibilities performed by men and women and the men usually have
more power because they earn money. It can be seen that the marital
contract that was mentioned before is also based on gendered ideologies.
Definite criteria assigned to behavior, actions and appearance of men
and women make them “do gender” and fit gendered expectations even
in marriage. Thus primarily gender shapes the balance of power within
marriage, because gender is fundamental component of identity construction,
it is impossible think of ourselves separately from our identity as
a man or woman. Therefore, within the spouse people should “construct
gender identities in tandem to find a balance that feels right to them,
both as a couple and as individual” (421).
Considering all mentioned above, there is one aspect that should be
taken into account also. And it is love. It is believed that love and
power are opposite concepts, which cannot exist within the couple. However,
author claims that in intimate relationships power should be considered
as “ability to act according to one’s wishes and desires”
(422). Therefore, to sustain healthy relationships the mixture of power
and love is necessary.
The decision-making process within the spouse can be more important
indicator of the balance of power than the actual outcome of the decision-making
process. It is more important how they came to this decision rather
that to what conclusion they came. It is hard for spouses to that believe
that somebody exercises power over someone within the relationship.
However, Lukes represents the model that allows exploring of the power
dynamics. According to him there is latent, overt and hidden power.
The hidden power makes people believe that dominations of particular
man or woman seem natural and reasonable. Interestingly, despite the
power division still it is hard to measure and conceptualize the power
within the marriage.
- Article of Scott Coltrane, Ross D. Parke, and Michele
Adams examines the father involvement in low-income Mexican American
families.
- It is projected that till 2050 the population of Latinos in U.S. will
reach one-quarter of all the population.
- Most of such families consist of two-parents. However, among others
they are thought to be at high risk for economic stress and other household
problems.
- “Familism” meaning the cooperation and unity in the family is the thing that
distinguishes Latinos from other U.S. population.
- According to national survey, most of the American men give the family
higher priority rather than the work. At the same time, they support
the idea of the equality of men and women in the family, but still thinking
that men should do minimal household work.
- Three components of measuring father involvement: engagement and interaction
with children, availability of the child, and responsibility for the
care of the child.
- Studies show that nowadays fathers’ involvement has increased, but still mothers spend more time taking
care of children.
- Most of the time fathers’ spend with their children is while playing on the playground or during
the leisure time, which helps children in better understanding their
gender.
- The availability of fathers is usually measured by the time spent
at work, comparing to that spent with children, both by direct contact
and via phone or other sources of communication.
- In the late 1970s and early 1980s, fathers used to spend their free
time for other activities, but in late 1980s and 1990s they spend their
free time with children.
- Managerial parenting – organizing and arranging the children’s environment, regulate child’s access to social contacts.
- According to several National Surveys, average American woman performs
three times much housework as the average man. Division of labor in
the family becomes more segregated when a couple has children.
- Factors affecting father involvement: family size, birth timing, socioeconomic
status, or gender attitudes.
- Mothers who are more educated can make their husbands involved in
the family work, such us household labor and children supervision.
- Men are more involved with sons than with daughters, especially among
older children.
- Fathers who work fewer hours and have more flexible schedules are
more involved in child care.
- More educated mothers do less work, while more educated fathers inversely
do more housework and take care of children.
Research findings:
- Men who performed housework also supervised children, men who interacted
with children in feminine typed activities, also interacted in masculine-typed
activities. Interaction includes the activities, such as reading, watching
movies in Spanish, speaking, and having contact with Mexican relatives
and friends.
- Despite being considered as macho men, Latino men are more family
oriented and use to prioritize family to anything else.
- Income was not related to any component of father-child interaction.
When family is ina financial stress, men perform more housework.
- Men interact with children more, when there are fewer of them.
- Mean level of education in Mexican Americans was completing the ninth
grade.