Лекции по "Политологии"

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Описание

Политология – новое название политической науки, утвердившееся в 60-е – 70-е годы ХХ века сначала в Германии и Франции, затем в России. Во многих западных странах, и в первую очередь в США, этот термин не приобрел столь широкого применения, хотя там и признают его речевые удобства – краткость и понятность. В становлении всего обширного комплекса знаний о политике выделяются три последовательно опосредующие друг друга системы или уровни интеллектуального освоения политической практики.

Содержание

Лекция первая, вторая
ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ: ПРЕДМЕТ, ОБЪЕКТ, ЭТАПЫ РАЗВИТИЯ
Лекция третья, четвертая
ПОЛИТИКА КАК ОБЩЕСТВЕННОЕ ЯВЛЕНИЕ
Лекция пятая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ ВЛАСТЬ
Лекция шестая
ИНДИВИД КАК СУБЪЕКТ ПОЛИТИКИ
Лекция седьмая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ СОЦИАЛИЗАЦИЯ
Лекция восьмая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ЭЛИТЫ
Лекция девятая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ ЛИДЕРСТВО
Лекция десятая
ГОСУДАРСТВО КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ИНСТИТУТ
Лекция одиннадцатая
НЕГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ИНСТИТУТЫ
Лекция двенадцатая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ СИСТЕМЫ И РЕЖИМЫ
Лекция тринадцатая
АВТОРИТАРНЫЕ И ТОТАЛИТАРНЫЕ ПОЛИТСИСТЕМЫ
Лекция четырнадцатая
ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКАЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ СИСТЕМА
Лекция пятнадцатая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ СОЗНАНИЕ И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ИДЕОЛОГИИ
Лекция шестнадцатая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА
Лекция семнадцатая, восемнадцатая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ПРОЦЕССЫ, РАЗВИТИЕ И МОДЕРНИЗАЦИЯ
Лекция девятнадцатая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ КОНФЛИКТЫ И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ КРИЗИСЫ
Лекция двадцатая
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ КОММУНИКАЦИЯ
Лекция двадцать первая
ВЫБОРЫ И ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНЫЕ ТЕХНОЛОГИИ
Лекция двадцать вторая
ВНЕШНЯЯ ПОЛИТИКА И МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
Лекция двадцать третья
МИРОВАЯ ПОЛИТИКА В НАЧАЛЕ XXI ВЕКА

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And treatments of democracy resist to supporters of the understanding predetermined by values adherents of other approach, in political science called is rational-procedural. The philosophical base of such position is based that democracy is possible only in conditions when distribution of resources of the power to a society gets so wide character that any public group cannot suppress the contenders or keep imperious hegemony. In that case the most rational way out is compromise achievement in mutual division of functions and the powers, causing alternation of groups in power. These procedures and technologies of an establishment of a similar order also express a being of the democratic organisation of an imperious policy. One of the first such understanding of democracy M.Veber in the plebistsitarno-vozhdistskoj has fixed democracy theories. In its opinion, democracy represents means властвования, completely depreciating all concepts of "people's sovereignty", the general of "will of the people”, etc. the German scientist recognised that any organisation of representation of interests in the big societies forces out direct forms of democracy from a policy and establishes control over the power from bureaucracy. For protection of the interests citizens should transfer the rights of control of the power and management personnel to in public selected leader. Having such source of the legitimate power independent of bureaucracy, people also have an opportunity to realise the interests. Therefore democracy, according to Weber, is set of procedures and agreements, “when the people choose the leader to whom he trusts”.

II. In a modern political science have kept the place many ideas developed within the limits of specified approaches during an epoch of antiquity and the Middle Ages. They have been developed in a number of theories of new time when again becoming more active democratic complex всенародности began to be treated as a basis of the sovereignty of the new European nations:

The concept of representative democracy believes parliament the centre of all political process, the basis of the political power and unique expression of the general suffrage. Following the results of free and competitive elections citizens direct (delegate) to this high meeting of the representatives which during concrete term should express requirements and interests of certain groups of voters. James Madison (1751-1836) considered that the majority of the people too uneducatedly to operate, is too subject to influence of demagogy of populists and is inclined to infringement of interests of minority, and "pure", that is the straight line, democracy can degenerate in crowd board in this connection preferred representative forms of democracy;

- Idea партиципаторной (English participation - participation) the democracies which essence consists in obligatory execution by all citizens of those or other functions on an administrative office of a society and the state at all levels of political system. Authors “democracies for all” steels of Kerol Pejtman (the author of the term “democracy of participation”, a sort. 1940), Kroford MacPherson (1911-1987), Norberto Bobbio (a sort. 1909), etc. the Basic mechanisms of functioning of democracy of participation referenda, civil initiatives and a response, that is the preschedule termination of powers of elective persons are considered;

- Joseph Shumpeter (1883-1950) has put forward the theory democratic элитизма according to which the free and sovereign people possess in the politician rather limited functions, and democracy provides competition of elite for support and votes. He saw the main problem of democracy in selection of the qualified politicians operating, in formation демократически the focused elite;

- The considerable contribution to the democracy theory was brought by supporters of the democratic pluralism considered as type of the organisation of the power, formed in the conditions of its public dispersion (diffusion). In this case democracy assumes free game, competition of the various groups which are the basic motive power politicians, and also the institutes connected with their activity, ideas, views, for balance maintenance between which mechanisms of "controls" and "counterbalances" are used. For pluralists the democracy main destination - protection of requirements and the minority rights;

- The essential contribution to development of the democratic theory has brought Arend Lejphart (a sort. 1935), offered idea консоциативной (consociational), сообщественной democracies which assumes the system of board based not on a principle of participation of the majority, and on proportional representation in realisation of the power political, religious and ethnic groups. He underlined essence of democracy as procedural actions and has developed original model “divisions of the authorities” which provided the account of interests of the minority, not capable to get access to levers state managements. Лейпхарт has allocated four mechanisms, realising this problem: creation of the coalition governments; use of proportional representation of different groups at appointment to key posts; maintenance of the maximum autonomy to groups in the decision of the internal questions; Granting to groups at development of political ends of the veto that assumes use at final decision acceptance not usual, but the qualified majority of votes;

- Essential distribution to last years was received by the theories of the market democracy representing the organisation of given system of the power as analogue of economic system in which there is a constant exchange of "goods": sellers - power carriers change benefits, statuses, privileges for "support" of voters. Political action is understood only as electoral behaviour in which frameworks the voting certificate is treated as some kind of "purchase" or "investment", and voters basically are considered as passive "consumers" (Anthony Dauns, a sort. 1930);

- Occurrence of electronic systems in structure of mass communications has caused to life of idea of teledemocracy (киберократии). It has reflected known виртуализацию politicians in the present stage, simultaneously its occurrence testifies to occurrence of new problems in the field of maintenance of integration of a society, adjustment of relations with new общностями citizens, change of forms of control of the power behind the public, removals of some restrictions on political participation, estimations квалифицированности mass opinion, ways of its account etc.

III. Specificity and uniqueness of the democratic device of the power is expressed available at it universal ways and mechanisms of the organisation of a political order. In particular, such political system assumes:

- Maintenance of the equal right of all citizens on participation in a society and state administrative office;

- Regular selectivity of the basic authorities;

- Presence of the mechanisms providing relative advantage of the majority and respect of the rights of minority;

- An absolute priority of legal methods of departure and change of the power on the basis of constitutionalism;

- Professional character of board of elite;

- Control of the public over acceptance of the major political decisions;

- Ideological pluralism and a competition of opinions.

Such ways of formation of the power assume investment operating and operated the special rights and powers major of which are connected with simultaneous action of mechanisms direct, плебисцитарной and representative democracy. Direct democracy assumes direct participation of citizens in the course of preparation, discussions, acceptances and realisations of decisions. Democracy which also assumes open will of the population is close under the maintenance to it плебисцитарная, but is connected only with a certain phase of preparation of decisions. Thus results of voting not always have obligatory legal consequences for the structures, making the decision. Representative democracy is more difficult form of political participation of citizens in decision-making process through the elite them of representatives in legislative or power executive powers. The main problem of representative democracy is connected with maintenance of a representativeness of a political choice. So, at majority systems of voting considerable advantages to parties which have won the contenders with insignificant majority of votes can be created.

Despite distinctions in approaches to democracy or an estimation of priorities on its embodiment in life, its any created model should consider by all means presence at it internal contradictions. Their ignoring is capable to call into question the projected purposes, to cause an exhaustion of the state resources, to provoke disappointment of weights or elite in ideals of a democratic system and even to create conditions for transformation of democratic modes to the authoritative:

First, “non-executable promises” concern them democracy (N.Bobbio) when and in the democratic countries alienation of citizens from a policy and the power is quite often shown so-called;

Secondly, called to embody a priority of public interests over private, the democratic power at the same time is filled with activity of the numerous groups operating frequently in an opposite direction and subordinating imperious mechanisms to own plans and requirements;

Thirdly, one of существеннейших democracy contradictions is discrepancy of political possibilities of owners of the formal rights and real resources. This described still А де Tokvilem the paradox of freedom and equality means that, despite declaration and even legal fastening of equality in distribution of the rights and powers of citizens, democracy not in a condition to provide this equality in practice;

Fourthly, constantly generating разномыслие, promoting display of ideological pluralism, diversifying, doing various spiritual space of a society, democracy undermines the abilities to forming of a uniform line of political development of society, carrying out of a uniform policy of the state.

IV. In a political science the theory of "waves" of democratisation of the modern world according to which institutes of democratic board affirmed according to three "waves" uses enough wide popularity, each of which mentioned various groups of the countries, and expansion of an area of democracy was followed by certain recoil of process of democratisation. Сэмюэл Huntington (the sort 1927) as follows dates these "waves": the first lifting of a wave of democratisation - 1828 - 1926, the first recession - 1922 - 1942; the second lifting - 1943 - 1962, recession - 1958 - 1975; the beginning of the third lifting - 1974 - 1995, the beginning of new recoil - second half 90th years ХХ century According to American “freedom Houses” (“Freedom House”), the organisations, on an extent of many decades of freedom tracing a condition and democracies by criteria of observance civil and political freedoms (in many respects formal), in 1972 were 42 “the free countries”, in 2002 Them became already 89.

In the course of transition to democracy - democratic transit - usually distinguish three stages: liberalisation, democratisation and consolidation. At a liberalisation stage there is a process of fastening of some civil freedom, there is an opposition self-organising, автократический the mode becomes more tolerant to any sort to heterodoxy, there are incoincident opinions concerning ways of the further development of the state and a society. The authoritative mode weakens the control, reduces reprisals, but the system of the power does not change and keeps not democratic essence.

When in order to avoid civil war leading groupings of the split top of the power conclude the pact (contract) on basic rules of political behaviour, the democratisation stage, on which main thing - introduction of new political institutes begins. Historical examples of such agreements - “nice revolution” to England, the pact of Monkloa in Spain, etc. and their subsequent development give the chance 1688 to Legitimatsija of such pacts for carrying out of so-called constituent elections - all-comers competition of the various centres of the power by the rules of a game of politics caused by the pact.

The fastening of democracy connected with constituent elections, is represented essentially important. To make it it is possible only repetition some times elections by the same rules, in конституционно target dates and under condition of obligatory change of imperious commands. After that it is possible to tell about the introduction of democratisation into its finishing phase, that is about consolidation already actually democracies. Before achievement of the given stage any mode, as though it would like to proclaim itself democratic, in full sense that cannot be, and is only transit. Democratic consolidation in the existing politological literature basically is treated as a certain ascending process: From the minimum procedural level of sufficiency when institutes and procedures with formal signs of democracy, to level maximum are founded, assuming different measurements of democratic consolidation - from behavioural and valuable to social and economic and international (Wolfgang Merkel).

According to Juan Lintsa and Alfreda Stepan's point of view, democratic consolidation assumes realisation deep трансформационных processes at least at three levels:

- On behavioural when no influential political groups aspire to undermine a democratic mode or to carry out сецессию, that is secession of the state of its any part;

- On valuable, transforming democratic institutes and procedures in the most comprehensible mechanisms of regulation of social life, and a society - in refusing not democratic alternatives;

- On the constitutional, political subjects providing the consent to operate only on the basis of democratic laws and procedures.

From the aforesaid at all does not follow that there is any one universal “транзитологическая a paradigm”. In a real variety of successful and unsuccessful democratic transits of last three decades were and the transitions described above from liberalisation to the pact and democratisation with the subsequent advancement to democratic consolidation, and variants of the reforms which are carried out by groups of reformers in elite, and imposing cases (привнесения) democratisation from above, and mass revolts against dictatorships. Already clearly that instead of global democratisation expected as a result of third "wave" the modern world even more often faces its antiphase - along with expansion of space of liberal democracies there is “a globalisation of exaggerated democracies” (expression of Larri Dajmonda, a sort. 1951). It is a question not only of hybrid political modes, in unequal proportions and in different quantity combining democratic and автократические institutes and experts, but about the frank pseudo-democracies, new forms of not democratic modes simply simulating some formal signs of democracy. So the mankind and in the XXI-st century, during a globalisation epoch, faces a dilemma, which else in a XVIII-th century the French writer Nikola-Sebasten Shamfor (1741-1794) has formulated: “I am everything, the rest - anything, here despotism and its supporters. I am another, another is I, here a national mode and its adherents. And now solve”.

 

 

 

 

 

POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES

 

The ideology - the articulated set of ideals, the purposes and problems which help members of political system to interpret the past to understand the present; she also offers an image of the future.

David Iston

 

In political sphere character of functioning of institutes of the power, the form of behaviour of various subjects and all other displays of activity of the person directly depend and are formed on the basis of its ideas, views, feelings and other spiritual phenomena. The most general category reflecting all set of sensual and theoretical, valuable and standard, rational and subconscious representations of the person which mediate its relations with political structures, “the political consciousness” is. In a political science there were two points of view on essence of political consciousness:

- cторонники бихевиорального the approach consider political consciousness as the form of rational thinking of the person, all that set of its views and representations which it uses at realisation of the roles and functions in power sphere;

- Adherents аксиологического (valuable) approach concern political consciousness as to certain level of social thinking. Ability and ability of people to isolate their group interests to compare with requirements of other groups, and also to see ways and ways of use of the government for the decision of problems on realisation of own interests makes, in their opinion, an essence of political consciousness.

Formation of political consciousness is carried out in difficult process of critical judgement by people of the social validity: generalisation and gradual rationalisation of sensual representations; comprehension of the purposes of party or other political movement; joinings to already formulated estimations and norms of political process; familiarizings with belief in justice of those or other political ideals. The political consciousness cannot be developed exclusively “a book way”, without the introduction of the person into real political relations. Development of political thinking depends not so much on an increment of special knowledge, how many from various forms of political participation of citizens in real processes of a political competition.

The political consciousness carries out three major functions: когнитивную function of reflexion of requirement of a society in constant updating of knowledge for performance and updating of functions of political subjects; communication function of maintenance of the realised interaction of subjects among themselves and with power institutes; ideological function of comprehension of interest of subjects in finding and popularisation of own vision of the political world. Political consciousness, being it is twisted in various kinds of activity, it is internally structured, being divided into different elements and formations.

II. Political ideologies (from греч. idea - the concept and logos - knowledge) is represented by the most influential forms of political consciousness. From the moment of occurrence of the term "ideology" (it the French philosopher Antoine Destjut де Trassi in 1801 has entered into a scientific turn) in a science there were different views on its maintenance. Synthesising the basic approaches, it is possible to tell that the political ideology represents, first of all, the certain doctrine justifying claims of this or that group of persons on the power (or its use), achieving according to these purposes of submission of public opinion to own ideas. At the same time the political ideology is a system of ideas, sights, the representations, containing theoretical judgement of political life from the point of view of interests, requirements, the purposes and ideals of certain social groups and layers, national educations.

Differently, the political ideology is the version of corporate consciousness reflecting the group point of view on a course of political and social development of a society and consequently different certain bias of estimations and propensity to spiritual экспансионизму. It is mainly the tool of elite circles which with its help consolidate group associations of citizens, provide communication with bottoms, build certain sequence of actions in political space. The ideology at the same time is socially significant, theoretically issued system of ideas in which interests of certain layers are reflected and which serves fastening or change of public interests. But ideology - not simply theoretically issued comprehension by a social stratum of the life in its development. The system of values which is fixed in ideology, creates reference points for social action. These reference points will mobilise people, supervise over their public activity and define it.

The basic functions of political ideology are: ориентационная, mobilisation, интегративная, standard, amortisation, function of expression and protection of interests of certain social group. Distinguish also three levels of functioning of political ideology:

Teoretiko-conceptual on which the substantive provisions opening values and ideals of a certain class, the nations, the state or adherents of any definite purpose of political development are formulated. It is level of political philosophy of the group expressing the basic tsennostno-semantic reference points of its development, those ideals and principles for the sake of which revolutions are made;

Programmno-political on which socially-philosophical principles and ideals are translated in programs, concrete slogans and requirements of political elite, forming, thus, a standard basis for acceptance of administrative decisions and stimulation of political behaviour of citizens;

Staticized which characterises degree of development by citizens of the purposes and principles of the given ideology, a measure of their embodiment in their practical affairs and acts.

Falling of influence of ideologies on public opinion or distribution of the texnocratic representations denying possibility of influence of social values on political connections and the relations, conducts to деидеологизации politicians. So, in the beginning of 60th ХХ century D.Bell and R.Aron have come to a conclusion about “the ideology end”, but it is literally in a decade they have started talking about реидеологизации public life. Violent introduction of ideology in a society carries the name индоктринации and can lead to strengthening of public intensity.

IV. The Basic ideological currents in the modern world. The political history throughout centuries has shown origin and decline of many ideological doctrines. We will short stop on the characteristic only those ideological designs which last one and a half-two centuries played the most appreciable role political arena:

- Liberalism and neoliberalism. As an independent ideological current liberalism was generated on the basis of political philosophy of English educators of J. Lock, T.Gobbs, J. Милля, A.Smith in the end of XVII - the beginning of XVIII centuries Having connected a personal freedom yours faithfully natural human rights, and also with system of private possession, liberalism has put ideals of a free competition, the market, business in a basis of the concept. According to these priorities, leading political ideas of liberalism were and there is a legal equality of citizens, the contractual nature of the state, belief about равноправности competing in the politician “the professional, economic, religious, political associations any of which cannot have the moral superiority and practical prevalence over others”. The ideologically-moral kernel of "classical liberalism” was formed by following positions:

1) absolute value of the human person and primary (from a birth) equality of all people;

2) an autonomy of individual will;

3) initial rationality and virtue of the individual;

4) existence of certain inaliennable human rights, such, as the right to life, freedom, the property;

5) creation of the state on the basis of the general consensus and for the only purpose to keep and protect the natural rights;

6) contractual character of relations between the state and a society;

7) leadership of the law as tool of social control and “freedom in the law” as the right and possibility ”to live according to the constant law, the general for everyone in this society not to be dependent from changeable, uncertain, unknown autocratic will of other person” (J. Lock);

8) restriction of volume and state fields of activity;

9) security - first of all from the state intervention - private human life and freedom of its actions in all spheres of public life;

10) existence accessible to reason of the individual of the higher trues which should play a role of reference points in a choice between good and harm, rather and anarchy.

Adaptation of traditional values of liberalism to realities of second half ХХ century has carried out neoliberalism. In a basis of its political program ideas of a consensus operating and operated, necessities of participation of weights for political process, democratisation of procedure of acceptance of administrative decisions have laid down. Unlike former propensity mechanically to define democratic character of political life on the majority, neoliberals began to prefer pluralistic forms of the organisation and government realisation. Ideas of strengthening of a role of state structures in public life, creations of "the social state” have appeared it not alien. In the field of economy they defend necessity of preservation of position of the different patterns of ownership equal in rights which viability the market should define. At the same time development of the market and its mechanisms is provided to be carried out under state control. The neoliberalism which has fixed outstanding position of this ideology in the world, more and more gets character not so much the accurate program, how many attitude, outlook, semantic orientations in which on the foreground there are general ideals and cultural principles;

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